En un momento cuando el Gobierno de Donald Trump ha llevado al máximo la presión contra Cuba, el secretario de Estado, Marco Rubio, sancionó este miércoles a uno de los principales carceleros del régimen copresidencial de Daniel Ortega y Rosario Murillo. Se trata del director de Máxima Seguridad de la cárcel La Modelo, Roberto Clemente Guevara Gómez, señalado por Washington por violaciones de derechos humanos y descrito por organizaciones que documentan la prisión política en Nicaragua como un funcionario “violento y reactivo”.

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No, López Obrador no está descontento con Claudia Sheinbaum. Por el contrario, la presidenta ha cumplido cabalmente las expectativas que llevaron al líder del movimiento a favorecerla como relevo. El tabasqueño puede tener diferencias de matiz en algunas decisiones puntuales. Pero en todo lo que verdaderamente le importa, los resultados confirman la inclinación por su heredera política.

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Los San Francisco 49ers, uno de los equipos del fútbol americano profesional estadounidense más queridos en Latinoamérica, volverán a jugar un partido de temporada regular en Ciudad de México. La NFL anunció este miércoles que los niners fungirán como locales en el Estadio Azteca en el regreso de la liga a México después de cuatro años de ausencia. El rival de San Francisco y la fecha exacta del partido se conocerán a principios de mayo, cuando la liga revele el calendario completo de la temporada 2026.

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El pleno de la Corte de Apelaciones de Santiago, por la unanimidad de 24 jueces, desestimó este martes el desafuero del gobernador de Santiago Claudio Orrego, independiente de la centroizquierda, lo que supone una fuerte derrota para la Fiscalía regional de Antofagasta, que lidera el abogado Juan Castro Bekios: buscaba poder formalizar a la autoridad en una investigación que lleva más de dos años por fraude al Fisco en el marco de la causa de ProCultura. Tras el fallo a favor, que implica el fin de la indagatoria en su contra, Orrego ha dicho esta mañana que “la justicia habló, y de manera clara y contundente. Soy inocente de las imputaciones falsas que se me han formulado”.

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Medellín, Colombia – Colombian President Gustavo Petro met with his U.S. counterpart, President Donald Trump, at the White House on February 4, 2026, in what had become one of the most anticipated diplomatic encounters of the year. 

The meeting came nearly five months after Washington decertified Colombia as a reliable partner in its counternarcotics efforts, a move that ultimately triggered a period of visa revocations, sanction threats, and sharp public accusations between the two leaders.

Read more: Trump invites Colombia’s Petro to White House in major U-turn 

The tone after the nearly two-hour talk, however, was notably different, with both heads of state describing the encounter as respectful and constructive. According to Petro, they both appeared to agree on the need to prioritize dismantling major trafficking networks and pursuing high-level kingpins—language that pointed to the possibility of renewed cooperation.

Yet, beyond the conciliatory rhetoric, no joint statement or concrete policy commitments emerged, raising questions about whether the meeting signaled any substantive shift in the U.S.–Colombia counternarcotics strategy.

A pragmatic truce, not a policy breakthrough

For Ana María Rueda, drug policy coordinator at the Fundación Ideas para la Paz NGO and former drug policy director at the Colombian Ministry of Justice, the meeting appears less like a strategic turning point and more like a pragmatic truce. The U.S. relies on Colombia as its primary counternarcotics partner in the region, and Colombia, in turn, depends heavily on U.S. cooperation, trade, and security support. 

After months of mounting friction, stabilizing ties served the interests of both parties. Restoring diplomatic calm, however, is not equivalent to redesigning policy. 

“I don’t believe there is any agreement on drug policy on the table—at least not one that is explicit or public at this point,” Rueda told Latin American Reports. 

“Either substantial discussions took place behind closed doors and were not disclosed, or the meeting functioned primarily as a diplomatic reset.”

In that sense, the encounter may have acted as a pathway to ease immediate tensions without fundamentally altering the structural direction of Colombia’s counternarcotics efforts.

Security vs. development: what drove political tensions

If the meeting sought to reset strained relations, the harder question is what initially destabilized them.

Some analysts have framed the dispute between Washington and Bogotá as part of a broader debate over how coca cultivation should be addressed; for decades, the U.S. counternarcotics policy has prioritized forced eradication, interdiction, and drug demand reduction. 

President Gustavo Petro, however, has placed greater emphasis on rural development and voluntary crop substitution programs designed to transform the structural conditions that sustain coca production.

From an outside perspective, the decertification decision could thus be read as evidence of an ideological clash. Rueda, nonetheless, rejected that characterization:

“This is not an issue against substitution,” she explained. “In fact, broadly speaking, Americans agree with substitution, have traditionally supported it, and believe the Colombian government should continue implementing it alongside other control measures.”

In her account, clashes lay not in theory but in implementation. Forced eradication dropped sharply at the start of Petro’s term, while substitution programs advanced more slowly than expected. In the interim, coca cultivation remains near record level highs. 

“If a strategy is yet to deliver results—if eradication efforts stall, and coca cultivation keeps rising—there’s little ground to stand on,” said Rueda.

Viewed through that lens, Washington’s decertification appears less like a wholesale rejection of Colombia’s current approach and more like an expression of frustration over the pace and measurability of its results. 

The numbers debate

Given that uncertainty surrounding implementation effectiveness created political vulnerability, numbers became Petro’s main line of defense in his meeting with Trump.

The most recent annual census from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC)—which typically anchors international reporting and certification debates—shows historically high levels of coca cultivation.

Petro’s focus, however, was notably different. Rather than centering on an absolute number of hectares, he pointed to Colombia’s more frequent monitoring system to argue that the rate of coca cultivation has declined. In this framing, the key signal is not the total size of the crop, but the moderation of its expansion.

Read more: Petro proposes end to UN cocaine monitoring in Colombia, citing inaccuracies

Yet for Rueda, that distinction carries little weight:

“That kind of wordplay doesn’t serve any meaningful purpose in a political context,” she explained. “Yes, the growth rate has slowed down, but does that tell Trump anything? No. The United States needs to see cultivation figures falling.”

The dispute, then, is over what constitutes relevant progress. For Petro, slower growth rates suggest that the curve is flattening and that his strategy may be gaining traction. For Rueda—and in her view for U.S. officials evaluating certification—only visible reductions in total hectares carry political weight, since even if expansion rates decline from double digits to low single digits, the baseline remains historically elevated.

That divergence between narrative stabilization and tangible decline, she suggests, helps explain why the numbers may have had limited persuasive force in shaping Washington’s assessment.

What would a real shift look like?

Illegal drug seizures have become more frequent, and the Colombian government has also intensified action against trafficking networks, as per Rueda. 

“The president has indeed seized a lot; he has performed extraditions; he has done what he said he would do at the upper links of the chain,” she acknowledged. However, there is a sharp distinction between enforcement optics and structural change.

The issue lies in that seizures and extraditions alone do not automatically translate into sustained reductions in coca cultivation, the investigator noted. Without effective eradication measures alongside a substitution program capable of producing visible territorial contraction, the baseline is unlikely to fall. 

“I would say that any stabilization observed in certain regions can be better explained by temporary market pressures—such as the sharp drop in coca leaf prices in 2022 and 2023—rather than by Petro’s structural policy outcomes.”

From Rueda’s perspective, a real shift—one capable of altering Washington’s assessment following the White House meeting—would involve more than recalibrating the narrative around growth rates; it would likely entail a visible increase in forced eradication, the operationalization of drone-based fumigation, and continued high-profile extraditions that signal alignment with U.S. enforcement priorities. 

This expectation echoes the traditional framework that has shaped bilateral cooperation since the era of Plan Colombia–a U.S.-Colombia joint strategy deployed in the late 1990s to achieve peace and development in the Latin American nation through military action against drug trafficking and armed groups. 

While Petro has sought to redefine that model around rural development and long-term transformation, Rueda suggests that U.S. certification politics remain anchored in measurable control indicators—above all, coca hectare rates plummeting. 

Whether such a pivot is politically or practically feasible is another matter. “Petro has five months left in office. At this point, whatever he does is unlikely to generate any measurable impact,” said Rueda. 

Large-scale eradication campaigns generate rural resistance and would require significant operational buildup. Substitution programs, by design, take years to consolidate. Thus, even if a strategic shift were decided tomorrow, its effects would be unlikely to register before the end of his term.

In that sense, Petro’s meeting with Trump may have eased diplomatic pressure and stabilized tone. But, in light of absent visible reductions in coca cultivation, it likely does not yet signal a fundamental transformation in the trajectory of U.S.–Colombia counternarcotic efforts.

Featured image: White House via X.

The post Did the White House meeting prompt a real shift in the U.S.–Colombia counternarcotics strategy? appeared first on Latin America Reports.

La noche del 28 de marzo de 1982, el volcán Chichón, en Chiapas, rompió siglos de silencio con una erupción que nadie en la región esperaba. En cuestión de horas, las comunidades zoques aledañas quedaron sepultadas bajo toneladas de ceniza, rocas y nubes ardientes de gas. Más de 2.000 personas murieron y decenas de miles abandonaron sus pueblos para siempre. “Fue realmente un antes y un después para las comunidades y para su organización”, recuerda Patricia Jácome Paz, doctora en Vulcanología por la UNAM. Escuelas, templos y clínicas se derrumbaron, las cosechas desaparecieron y el paisaje se transformó en un cráter humeante con un lago turquesa en el fondo.

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By News Americas Business Editor

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Weds. Feb. 168, 2026: Jamaica’s push toward year-round avocado production is more than an agricultural milestone. It represents a potential turning point in the Caribbean’s economic evolution – one that could position agriculture as a scalable investment sector capable of generating sustained export revenue, attracting private capital, and strengthening long-term food security.

For the first time in its history, Jamaica is preparing to produce avocados continuously throughout the year, thanks to the introduction of three new varieties – Carla, Hass, and Semil31 – through a partnership between the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Mining and the Trees That Feed Foundation. The initiative is designed to eliminate traditional seasonal production gaps, allowing farmers to harvest and supply markets consistently rather than intermittently.

This shift fundamentally changes the economics of avocado production in Jamaica.

Historically, Caribbean agriculture has faced a critical limitation: unpredictability. Seasonal harvest cycles restricted farmers’ ability to meet export demand consistently, making it difficult to secure long-term contracts or attract investment in processing, logistics, and infrastructure. Year-round production, however, provides the stability required to scale output and integrate into global supply chains.

Chief Technical Director in Jamaica’s Ministry of Agriculture, Orville Palmer, emphasized the economic significance of the initiative, noting that the move aligns with the government’s strategy to expand agricultural exports while providing farmers with steady income streams. Reliable production, he said, could elevate avocado to become as economically significant to Jamaica as its iconic ackee industry.

Globally, avocado demand has surged over the past decade, driven by consumer demand in North America, Europe, and emerging markets where health-conscious diets and plant-based foods are gaining popularity. The Hass avocado alone represents a multi-billion-dollar global export market, dominated by producers such as Mexico, Peru, and the Dominican Republic. Jamaica’s entry into year-round production opens the door to capturing a share of that rapidly growing sector.

Beyond exports, the development has broader implications for agricultural investment across the Caribbean.

Year-round production transforms agriculture from a seasonal activity into a predictable revenue-generating sector—one capable of supporting financing structures, infrastructure investment, and long-term business planning. Consistent output allows investors to evaluate risk more accurately, while farmers benefit from stable income rather than volatile seasonal earnings.

“Year-round production transforms crops like avocado from seasonal income sources into scalable investment assets,” said Felicia J. Persaud, CEO of Invest Caribbean and founder of AI Capital Exchange. “This creates opportunities for farmers, investors, and diaspora capital to participate in building sustainable wealth while strengthening the Caribbean’s food production and export capacity that is still heavily dependent on imports.”

The initiative also highlights the growing importance of agricultural diversification in the Caribbean’s economic future. While tourism has historically dominated the region’s economy, governments are increasingly seeking to strengthen domestic production and reduce reliance on imports. The Caribbean currently imports billions of dollars in food annually, creating both vulnerability and opportunity. Expanding local agricultural production allows countries to retain more economic value domestically while improving food resilience.

In Jamaica’s case, the new avocado varieties are being cultivated at the Bodles Research Station, where budwood sourced from the Dominican Republic is undergoing quarantine and field trials before distribution to farmers across the island. The effort reflects years of research and collaboration aimed at creating a sustainable production model suited to Jamaica’s climate and agricultural landscape.

The economic impact extends beyond farmers. Increased production supports growth across the agricultural value chain, including transportation, packaging, export logistics, and food processing. These downstream sectors generate employment, stimulate rural economies, and contribute to national GDP growth.

For the Caribbean more broadly, Jamaica’s breakthrough represents a blueprint for transforming agriculture into a modern economic engine. It demonstrates how innovation, strategic partnerships, and long-term planning can reposition traditional industries for global competitiveness.

As global demand for food continues to rise and supply chains diversify, Jamaica’s move toward year-round avocado production signals that Caribbean agriculture may be entering a new era – one defined not by subsistence or seasonality, but by scalability, investment, and economic opportunity.

RELATED: Is The Caribbean Emerging As A Global Wealth And Investment Platform?

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has held discreet talks with Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, the grandson and caretaker of former Cuban leader Raúl Castro, bypassing official Cuban government channels, Axios reported, citing sources familiar with the outreach.

Buenos Aires, Argentina – Argentina’s largest union umbrella organization, the General Confederation of Labor (CGT), yesterday announced it would stage a 24-hour general strike in response to a planned national labor reform. 

The CGT said it will initiate the strike when the lower house begins to debate the sweeping labor law championed by right-wing President Javier Milei, expected to happen on Thursday, February 19.

The bill, which received upper house approval last Thursday, aims to make the country’s labor force more flexible by reducing workers’ right to strike, capping severance pay, and extending the working day, measures that have drawn condemnation from unions.

While the CGT did not declare an official date for the strike, several syndicates announced plans to strike and protest this Thursday. 

“Resignation does not make history. This Thursday, we must bring all of Argentina to a standstill!” wrote Rodolfo Aguiar, head of the State Workers Association, a powerful union. 

Argentine transport syndicates also said they would adhere to the strike, threatening to paralyze transport in Buenos Aires on Thursday. 

Milei argues the labor reforms are needed to resurrect Argentina’s long stagnant economy and says they will benefit business owners and also help end informal work. An estimated 40% of Argentines are employed in the informal sector.

But the government has faced staunch opposition from both leftist parties and unions. They say the bill will deal a blow to workers’ rights, forcing them to work longer hours with fewer benefits.

Milei’s ‘La Libertad Avanza’ or ‘Freedom Advances’ party was forced to amend the bill to pass it through the senate last week. Notably, the government watered down measures specifically targeting unions, including ditching their proposal to axe mandatory union contributions by workers. 

But the CGT remains opposed to the bill over its plans to slash severance packages, extend the maximum working day from eight to twelve hours, permit payment in kind (goods and services), and restrict the right to strike.

Milei defended the reforms in a post on X Monday, writing: “Holiday? What’s that? We work every day. The only way to get ahead is through capitalism, saving, and hard work.”

In Buenos Aires, workers and business owners are divided on the reform.

Luis Alberto García, a Venezuelan Uber driver who fled to Argentina seven years ago, believes the reform will help avoid a similar inflationary crisis that drove him from his home country.

“We’ve seen this happen before in Venezuela. Socialism drove the country into the ground. I think the reform will help improve the economy for everyone,” García told Argentina Reports. 

But others say the problem is not labor regulation, but inflation. 

“If the currency is at rock bottom, how can we change the employment situation? First, we need to control prices,” said Gonzalo Cruz, a shop owner in La Boca.

He added that he believes it is impossible to reform the economy without people changing their behavior, blaming the country’s chronic crisis on dishonesty.

“The law doesn’t matter if there is no morality, if workers lie to their bosses and the bosses exploit their workers,” added Cruz. 

After decades of failed reforms, it may take more than a change in the law to fix Argentina’s economy. 

Featured image description: Workers marching in the Day of Remembrance for Truth and Justice in Argentina on March 24, 2016.

Featured image credit: Mapep via Wikimedia Commons

The post Argentina union announces general strike ahead of Milei’s labor reform appeared first on Latin America Reports.

Peru’s Congress voted on Tuesday to remove interim President José Jerí, just four months after he took office, deepening political uncertainty only weeks before the April 12 general election.

Medellín, Colombia — The United Nations has called for “independent investigations” into illegal adoptions of children in Guatemala during the country’s civil war (1960 to 1996) and the alleged involvement of the country’s current attorney general, María Consuelo Porras. 

UN “experts” announced on Monday that they received information regarding the alleged illegal international adoptions of at least 80 Indigenous children who had spent time at the Hogar Temporal Elisa Martínez (Elisa Martínez Temporary Home) “following their capture and enforced disappearance between 1968 and 1996.”

According to the UN, Porras was director and legal guardian of the since-closed foster home for six months in 1982. 

Guatemala’s Public Prosecutor’s Office has denied the allegations, claiming they damage Porras’ “dignity, reputation, and presumption of innocence.” 

The UN said in the statement: “We are particularly troubled that no prompt, thorough, independent and impartial investigation has been conducted into the alleged involvement of some State authorities in these processes and that mothers affected by these illegal adoptions have reportedly not received adequate recognition or reparations.” 

Who is Consuelo Porras? 

Porras, who first assumed the role of Attorney General in 2018, was appointed to a controversial second term by then-President Alejandro Giammattei in 2022. She was accused of corruption by the US government and Washington barred her from entering the country.

Under Giammattei, Porras played a key role in shutting down the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), an international body that fought corruption in the country. 

Read more: Farewell to Guatemala’s anti-corruption commission

During the administration of current President Bernardo Arévalo, Porras has been accused by rights groups of “politically motivated” prosecutions against members of his government in an attempt to undermine his presidency. In 2024, Arévalo presented a bill in Congress to remove her from her post, but was ultimately unsuccessful. 

In July 2024, Arévalo issued the first public apology regarding historic illegal adoptions to two brothers who were adopted by two different US families after the state withdrew custody from their birth family in 1998. 

Arévalo stated that Guatemala was committed to “overcoming the bad practices, bad policies, impunity, indifference and negligence that have allowed the State and its institutions to fail to protect families”.

Featured image: Consuelo Porras in 2018

Image credit: Carlos Sebastian via Wikimedia Commons. License: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0

The post Guatemala Attorney General Consuelo Porras implicated in illegal adoptions: UN experts appeared first on Latin America Reports.

MONTMAGNY, QC, Feb. 17, 2026 /PRNewswire-HISPANIC PR WIRE/ — Montel Inc., Canada’s leading manufacturer of high-density mobile systems, is proud to announce a strategic partnership with researchers from Toronto Metropolitan University (TMU) to support the development of a groundbreaking pollinator-independent indoor berry production.

This initiative is made possible through major support from the Weston Family Foundation, via the Homegrown Innovation Challenge Scaling Phase, which invests in innovative Canadian solutions to enable reliable, year-round berry production.

As part of this collaboration, Montel will build and host a dedicated pilot farm named MoFarm, where TMU’s new airflow-based pollination technology will be tested and evaluated under controlled, real-world growing conditions.

A National Effort to Reinvent Food Production

In June 2025, TMU researchers Professor Habiba Bougherara and Professor Lesley Campbell were awarded a grant that will provide up to $5 million to advance their work on a novel system that enables raspberries — and potentially other berries — to be grown indoors without bees. Their innovation centers on a patented airflow and microclimate system capable of autonomously transferring pollen between flowers, addressing one of the most persistent challenges in controlled-environment agriculture.

The Weston Family Foundation’s commitment to strengthening Canada’s domestic food production ecosystem has been instrumental in propelling this work forward. Montel is honored to contribute to this national vision by providing the infrastructure where scientific discovery and engineering excellence converge.

Montel’s Role: Enabling Real-World Innovation

Montel joins the project as a recognized leader in indoor vertical farming systems, bringing engineering expertise and a purpose-built testing environment to support TMU’s scientific leadership.

MoFarm, located adjacent to Montel’s manufacturing facility in Montmagny, Québec and designed by Montel, will serve as a pivotal site to:

• Assess the performance of the pollination technology
• Run continuous, year-round growing cycles
• Provide a research environment that mirrors real vertical farming conditions
• Strengthen collaboration between TMU scientists and Montel experts

This pilot farm embodies the shared commitment to building a more resilient, sustainable, and self-sufficient food future for Canada.

“Montel’s mission has always been to help growers ‘grow more’ with less space. Collaborating with TMU allows us to push the boundaries of what indoor agriculture can achieve when advanced science and engineering work hand in hand.”

— Yves Bélanger, VP Sales – Vertical Farming, Montel Inc.

A Breakthrough in Pollinator-Independent Indoor Farming

TMU’s research targets a critical barrier in indoor berry cultivation: achieving effective pollination without bees. By uniting plant science, mechanical engineering, and precise microclimate control, the project aims to:

• Support pollinator-independent fruit set
• Reduce reliance on vulnerable pollinator populations
• Improve yield predictability in indoor environments
• Enable multi-layer berry production through compact plant architecture
• Advance sustainable, Canadian-grown berries year-round

“This funding allows us to build and test a system that could transform indoor berry production in Canada. Partnering with Montel gives us the ability to validate our technology under real indoor growing conditions.”

— Professor Habiba Bougherara, Toronto Metropolitan University

About Montel Inc.

Founded in 1924 in Montmagny, Québec, Montel is a North American leader in high-density mobile storage and vertical farming systems. With a legacy of engineering excellence, Montel designs turnkey vertical farming solutions that help organizations maximize space, efficiency, and sustainability. Learn more at montel.com.

Montel Inc.

sales@montel.com

1-877-935-0236
montel.com/mofarm

By NAN Business Editor

News Americas, NASSAU, Bahamas, Tues. Feb. 17, 2026: When Baha Mar broke ground on its more than $700 million beachfront expansion on Nassau’s Cable Beach recently, the announcement was framed as a tourism milestone. The project will add 345 guest rooms, 77 branded luxury residences, and thousands of jobs. But beneath the ceremonial shovels and economic optimism lies a deeper question: Is the Caribbean quietly evolving from a tourism destination into a global wealth hub?

For decades, the Caribbean’s economic identity has been anchored in hospitality. Resorts brought visitors, jobs, and foreign exchange. Yet today’s mega-developments increasingly reflect something more complex. The inclusion of branded luxury residences alongside hotel rooms signals a structural shift. These are not merely places to visit. They are places to own, invest, and store wealth.

This distinction matters.

Branded residences have become one of the fastest-growing segments of global real estate. Buyers are typically ultra-high-net-worth individuals seeking lifestyle, security, and jurisdictional diversification. By integrating residences into resort ecosystems, developers are transforming Caribbean properties into hybrid assets – part hotel, part private enclave, part global wealth infrastructure.

The Baha Mar expansion fits squarely within this model. Designed by internationally renowned architectural firm Foster + Partners, the project is positioned not just as a hotel, but as a premium residential and investment destination. Owners gain access to an established ecosystem that includes the Caribbean’s largest casino, luxury retail, championship golf, and more than 45 restaurants and lounges.

This model aligns with a broader global trend: the migration of capital into lifestyle jurisdictions.

In an era defined by geopolitical uncertainty, rising taxes in traditional wealth centers, and increasing interest in residency and citizenship mobility, wealthy individuals are diversifying geographically. The Caribbean, with its political stability, proximity to North America, and established financial frameworks, has emerged as a preferred destination.

The Bahamas, in particular, has strengthened its position through infrastructure investment, financial services sophistication, and its appeal as both a tourism and financial jurisdiction.

Bahamas Prime Minister Philip Davis underscored the significance of the expansion, describing the investment as a signal of confidence in the country’s economic future. “It is a signal to the world that our economy is steady, our tourism sector is growing, and our country is moving in the right direction,” he said.

Yet, the implications extend beyond tourism metrics.

Luxury developments increasingly function as anchors for broader economic ecosystems. They generate construction employment, permanent hospitality jobs, and demand for local suppliers—from farmers and fishermen to logistics providers and professional services. Baha Mar alone already employs more than 5,300 Bahamians, with an additional 1,400 positions expected once the new expansion is complete.

But perhaps more importantly, such developments reshape how the Caribbean is perceived globally.

Historically marketed primarily as a leisure destination, the region is now also being positioned as a place of long-term presence. Ownership, not just visitation, is becoming central. This transition enhances economic resilience by diversifying revenue streams beyond seasonal tourism cycles.

It also reflects the Caribbean’s integration into global capital flows.

Wealth today is increasingly mobile. Investors seek jurisdictions that offer quality of life, asset protection, and global accessibility. High-end resort developments provide precisely that intersection. They offer physical assets tied to globally recognized brands, located in politically stable environments, and embedded within service ecosystems designed for international clientele.

The Caribbean’s appeal is reinforced by geography itself. Located between North and South America, and accessible from major global financial centers, the region occupies a strategic position that combines lifestyle with connectivity.

Critically, this evolution does not eliminate tourism. Rather, it elevates it.

Tourism remains the foundation. But layered atop it is a new economic dimension—one centered on ownership, capital preservation, and global residency patterns. The resort becomes not just a destination, but a node within the architecture of global wealth.

For countries like The Bahamas, this shift offers opportunity – but also responsibility. Managing growth sustainably, ensuring local participation, and balancing foreign investment with national interests will determine how fully the region benefits.

What is clear is that the Caribbean’s economic narrative is expanding.

As cranes rise above Cable Beach and branded residences take shape alongside hotel towers, the message extends beyond Nassau. The Caribbean is no longer simply a place the world visits.

It is increasingly a place the world invests in, lives in, and anchors wealth within.

RELATED: The Caribbean’s Middle Class Is Being Built —And Broken — At The Same Time

By News Americas Staff Writer

News Americas, CASTRIES, St. Lucia, Tues. Feb. 17, 2026: A recent U.S. military strike targeting alleged drug traffickers in Caribbean waters is raising urgent geopolitical, legal, and sovereignty questions across the region, after reports emerged that nationals of St. Lucia may have been among those killed.

Prime Minister Philip J. Pierre confirmed Monday that the government of St. Lucia is actively investigating reports suggesting at least two of its citizens may have died in the strike, which was carried out by the United States Southern Command, (SOUTHCOM), as part of ongoing counter-narcotics operations.

“Let me assure the nation: the Government of St. Lucia is actively engaging through established diplomatic and security channels to verify the facts,” Pierre said in a statement. “We will communicate confirmed information to the public promptly and responsibly.”

The strike, conducted last week, targeted a vessel identified by U.S. officials as operating along known narcotics trafficking routes in the Caribbean Sea. According to SOUTHCOM, three individuals described as “narco-terrorists” were killed when a missile strike destroyed the vessel. No U.S. personnel were harmed.

However, regional reports and local sources suggest that three St. Lucian nationals who had departed by sea days earlier have not returned, raising fears they may have been among those killed.

Photographs published by regional media showing remnants of the destroyed vessel surfaced near Canouan in neighboring St. Vincent and the Grenadines, intensifying uncertainty about the exact location of the strike and whether it occurred in international waters or closer to sovereign territorial zones.

The uncertainty has triggered broader concern across Caribbean governments and citizens about the growing reach of U.S. military operations in the region — and the implications for Caribbean sovereignty.

Since September last year, the United States has carried out at least 36 similar strikes in Caribbean and Eastern Pacific waters, killing more than 120 individuals suspected of involvement in drug trafficking, according to U.S. military data.

Washington has defended the operations as part of an intensified effort to disrupt narcotics supply chains feeding the U.S. drug crisis. But human rights advocates and legal experts have increasingly questioned the legality of lethal military strikes conducted without public judicial process or transparent multinational oversight.

“This raises serious questions about jurisdiction, accountability, and the balance between security and sovereignty,” said a regional security analyst familiar with Caribbean maritime law. “Even when targeting criminal networks, military action in shared or adjacent waters has diplomatic and legal consequences.”

The situation is particularly sensitive in the Caribbean, where small island states depend on international cooperation for security but also guard their sovereignty carefully.

Prime Minister Pierre emphasized that his government’s priority remains obtaining verified information and protecting national interests.

“In matters affecting national security and regional stability, speculation has no place,” Pierre said. “Our approach is disciplined, fact-based, and guided by the singular priority of protecting the people and interests of St. Lucia.”

The incident follows similar controversy last year when families of Trinidad and Tobago nationals killed in a U.S. strike filed legal action in U.S. federal court, alleging unlawful killings.

The latest developments come amid broader geopolitical shifts in the Caribbean, where the United States has expanded its military and security footprint under the banner of counter-narcotics and regional stability.

For Caribbean nations, the events highlight a complex reality: balancing cooperation with global powers while safeguarding national sovereignty, legal accountability, and public trust.

As investigations continue, the outcome could have lasting implications not only for St. Lucia but for the Caribbean’s role in an increasingly militarized geopolitical landscape.

One central question now remains unresolved: in an era of expanded military operations in the Caribbean, how can small nations ensure that security cooperation does not come at the expense of sovereignty, transparency, and the protection of their citizens?

RELATED: Families Sue U.S. Government Over Caribbean Killings — Arguing There Was No War

By Ron Cheong

News Americas, TORONTO, Canada, Tues. Feb. 17, 2026: For more than sixty years, Cuba has endured relentless external pressure from the United States. The embargo, designed to strangle trade, cripple the economy, and punish a population for the choices of its government, has long made daily life a struggle. Today, the situation is more difficult than ever: fuel shortages have grounded planes and paralyzed public transport; tourism, a crucial source of income, has all but collapsed; and the economy teeters under layers of scarcity and deprivation. Decades of hardship have forged resilience in the Cuban people, but the severity of these pressures makes one wonder: can Cuba survive this new trial, or are these dark hours edging it closer to the brink?

Despite these extraordinary challenges, Cuba has preserved a surprising measure of moral and social integrity. Health care remains universal, education is free and widely accessible, and violent crime is low. The government, while politically centralized and media tightly controlled, has consistently prioritized the welfare of its citizens over elite enrichment. In practical, people-centered terms, Cuba remains morally and functionally resilient, even under extreme external duress.

The U.S.: A Democracy Under Siege From Within

Contrast this with the United States, once hailed as the world’s premier democracy. Formally, Americans enjoy freedoms enshrined in law: free speech, press protections, competitive elections, and an independent judiciary.

But these formal liberties are increasingly being hollowed out in practice: There have been unprecedented calls to “nationalise” US elections and talk about cancelling the midterms – even as the blockade of Cuba is being justified as “pressuring the Cuban government to hold free elections.”  At the same time, American civic trust is being battered – protests are met with militarized force as in Minnesota, while the blockade of Cuba is also unashamedly being justified in the name of “Promoting human rights and political freedoms.”

Wealth is concentrated in the hands of the top 1%, which dominates political donations, lobbying, and policy outcomes. Media ownership is similarly consolidated in the hands of a few, producing shallow, sensationalist coverage that leaves large swaths of the population misinformed. Judicial appointments are increasingly partisan.

In other words, the United States is showing the signs of a democracy under stress, much like historical empires before it: Rome, Tsarist Russia, and the Soviet Union all exhibited elite capture, norm erosion, and civic disengagement before systemic collapse. Formal freedoms exist, but meaningful self-correction has become compromised. Citizens may vote, speak, and organize, yet their ability to influence outcomes is heavily filtered through wealth, media bias, and institutional manipulation.

The Moral Challenge

The contrast is striking. Here is a small island, subjected to decades of external aggression and severe deprivation, yet maintaining a society that, in practice, prioritizes the collective welfare of its people. Meanwhile, a wealthy, globally dominant democracy – free in principle – struggles to ensure that its citizens’ basic needs are met and its political system functions equitably.

Cuba’s one-party system and state-aligned media are often cited as moral deficits. Yet what moral weight do political freedoms carry if the society that claims them fails to meet the basic needs of its people? The Cuban system, despite restrictions on political plurality, has consistently delivered healthcare, education, and security – the material foundations of dignity and life.

Historical Lessons: Decline, Inequality, And Moral Authority

History teaches that empires and states rarely fall suddenly; decline is usually the cumulative effect of inequality, elite capture, and norm erosion. Rome’s senatorial elites insulated themselves while ordinary citizens struggled; Tsarist Russia refused reform until the system collapsed; the Soviet Union stagnated under rigid institutions and external overreach. In each case, the formal structures of governance persisted even as the underlying moral and functional legitimacy deteriorated.

The United States now exhibits eerily similar patterns: economic inequality has hollowed out political influence; media concentration distorts public understanding; civic trust is fractured; and institutional norms are under strain. Ironically, it is the US rather than Cuba, which has survived decades of external punishment, that faces internal moral and systemic fragility – a democracy that risks eroding from within.

Kant wrote, “The worth of a person consists in being a subject capable of reason and moral choice, not merely a means to an end.” By this measure, America’s moral authority is increasingly compromised: citizens are treated less as moral subjects with agency than as data points filtered through the lens of wealth and influence.

King Kong Vs. The Island

Even if we take it that Cuba’s government system is seriously flawed, the metaphor is unavoidable: the United States, a global behemoth wielding overwhelming power, functions as a predator – King Kong – crushing a small, vulnerable island beneath its weight. The embargo and aggressive sanctions on Cuba reveal a democracy that has abandoned moral principle in favor of domination. Meanwhile, Cuba, the small animal beneath the shadow of that predator, has demonstrated resilience, cohesion, and a people-centered ethic that the predator itself increasingly lacks.

Cuba has survived decades of punishment and deprivation. But the current crisis – fuel shortages, economic paralysis, and a collapse of tourism – may be the severest it has ever faced. Will the island endure these dark hours? History shows that resilience is possible, but the strain is immense, and the outcome is uncertain.

A Moral Reckoning

The contrast could not be starker: a wealthy, formally free democracy showing cracks in its moral and functional foundations, juxtaposed with a small, embattled island maintaining social cohesion and prioritizing human welfare under extreme external pressure. The United States has long claimed moral and political superiority; today, its claim rings hollow. It’s democracy, once celebrated, risks being remembered as a system where freedom existed in theory but was undermined by the concentration of wealth, the distortion of information, and the erosion of institutional norms.

Meanwhile, Cuba, despite political limitations, demonstrates that people-centered governance, moral integrity, and social cohesion have so far survived even under extraordinary external duress. The moral lesson is stark: power alone does not confer legitimacy; justice and care for citizens do. If the U.S. continues to prioritize domination, wealth, and spectacle over the well-being of its people, it risks becoming a giant whose size conceals rot, while a small island showed what resilience and moral governance truly look like.

EDITOR’S NOTE: Ron Cheong is a frequent political commentator and columnist whose recent work focuses on international relations, economic resilience, and Caribbean-American affairs. He is a community activist and dedicated volunteer with extensive international banking experience. Now residing in Toronto, Canada, he is a fellow of the Institute of Canadian Bankers and holds a Bachelor of Science degree from the University of Toronto.

RELATED: Clarion Across The Atlantic: Barbados Mia Mottley’s Third Mandate And The Rise Of Caribbean Moral Leadership

With fewer than four months to go before the 2026 FIFA World Cup kicks off, the United States, Canada and Mexico —the tournament’s three host countries— are reporting significant measles resurgences, a highly contagious disease that had been pushed back across the region through routine immunization. Health authorities and international bodies are urging stronger vaccination and surveillance as public trust in vaccine guidance frays.

Colombian Conservative congresswoman Ángela Vergara says her 22-year-old son, Rafael Alfonso Vergara, has been detained in the United States by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents and had spent “18 days jailed and chained” when she first went public.

São Paulo — United States President Donald Trump told reporters last week about a visit to Venezuela as the relationship between the countries “improves”.

The announcement came about a month after Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, were captured during a US Special Forces operation and flown to New York. 

“I’m going to make a visit to Venezuela soon”, said Trump without revealing details. When questioned about the timeframe of the visit he said that they “haven’t decided yet”.

The Republican president also mentioned that he has a “very good relationship” with Delcy Rodríguez, Venezuela’s interim president, and that they have been working together. 

“We have a very good relationship with the president of Venezuela. As you know we’re working together very closely”, he said.  

When asked  by a different reporter if the US would officially recognize the Rodriguez government, Trump replied that Washington is “dealing with them”, but, as for now, “she’s done a great job”.

Rodriguez used to be Maduro’s vice-president, and had previously worked as a foreign affairs minister. Since Maduro’s capture, Washington has been negotiating directly with her “provisional” administration.  

“Taking out the oil”

Trump also addressed Venezuela’s oil sector. After Maduro’s capture, the US president made it clear that private American companies would profit from the world’s largest oil reservoir. 

“We have our big oil companies going in, they are going to be taking out the oil and then selling the oil for a lot of money and then Venezuela is going to get a big part of that money”, he told journalists. 

“And the relationship we have right now with Venezuela, I’d say a 10.”

The Office of Foreign Assets Control from the US Department of Treasury also shared Friday that the general licenses related to the oil and gas sector in Venezuela.

The companies BP PLC, Chevron, Eni, Repsol and Shell are so far the entities authorized to explore the commodity in the area.

Featured image: United States president Donald Trump. Credit: The White House

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Peru’s Congress will debate and vote on Tuesday on a set of censure motions targeting interim President José Jerí, a move that could trigger yet another change at the top of the state in a country that has cycled through multiple presidents since 2016, just weeks before the April 12 general election.

London, England – On February 4, Argentina and the United States signed a critical minerals agreement, announced by Pablo Quirno, Argentina’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, on X.

The Framework Instrument for Securing Supply in the Mining and Processing of Critical Minerals is reportedly worth USD$130 billion and represents one of the most significant bilateral economic deals between the two nations.

Through the deal, the U.S. secured priority access to critical Argentinian minerals and broadened its supply chains for lithium and other strategic resources. For its part, Argentina strengthened its alliance with the U.S. and gained better access to its markets, hoping to increase exports and economic growth.

“Today, Argentina sent a clear signal to the world: we are a reliable partner, open to trade, and committed to clear rules, predictability, and strategic cooperation,” said Quirno during his announcement.

While the agreement primarily aims to secure U.S. independence from the Chinese monopoly on minerals important to defense systems, for Argentina it could prove a catalyst for economic transformation and growth. The U.S. also issued Argentina a USD$20 billion credit line to make it a stable partner.

Crucial strategic directions of the agreement

Beyond the core strategic objective of strengthening U.S. mineral independence and advancing Argentina’s mining and industrial development, the agreement also underscores a deeper alignment of mutual economic and strategic interests.

While at first glance U.S. mineral independence appears to be the central focus, some observers highlight a parallel desire to reduce Argentina’s reliance on the Chinese market. 

“The government wants to send strong signals of distancing itself from China while at the same time showing strategic alignment with Trump,” Diana Tussie, director of the International Relations area at the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences, told Argentina Reports.

She described the deal as a concession to the United States rather than a negotiated agreement, noting that there was no consultation with the companies involved in Argentina’s mining sector.

But the deal may hold promise for the country’s mining industry. As part of the broader agreement, the U.S. guaranteed to buy lithium at a minimum price, regardless of global market changes. With Argentine miners receiving a higher “floor” price for the mineral, the industry is protected from potential Chinese market manipulations.

Géraldine Smeets, Vice Chair of EuroCámaras Argentina and board member of the European Business Organisation Worldwide Network (EBOWWN), described the agreement as a step towards strengthening Argentina’s mining investment climate.

“Committing to fast-tracking eligible projects under RIGI – the Large Investment Incentive Regime, a government program that offers incentives to major projects in mining, energy, and technology – and signalling more predictable regulatory practices is a work in favor of Argentina’s mining sector development,” Smeets told Argentina Reports.

However, despite the positive outlook of the deal for miners, some experts caution about its long-term implications. 

“While the interests are convergent, whether the alliance is lasting or not will depend on the duration of both governments, not on their intentions,” said Andrés Malamud, a political scientist specializing in Latin American politics and international relations at the Institute of Social Sciences at the University of Lisbon. 

Long-term risks to Argentina’s economy

Despite the Argentine government’s enthusiasm over the deal, some experts question its implications for Argentina’s industrial independence and economic self-determination. While reducing reliance on China and attracting international capital, the mineral framework also introduces new regulations and restrictions.

But according to Smeets, positioning Argentina as a key strategic partner for the United States in critical minerals creates significant opportunities.

“On the opportunity side, closer integration with the U.S.-led supply chains can reinforce Argentina’s role as a reliable supplier of critical minerals amid global diversification, attract investment, improve project bankability, and support infrastructure development,” said the business leader.

She added that the key for Argentina is in the implementation: ensuring that the partnership raises overall standards and improves the operating environment for all investors, rather than narrowing engagement to a single partner. 

More than a mining agreement, the framework signals a geopolitical realignment whose economic benefits for Argentina will depend on whether it translates into sustainable development rather than deeper resource dependence. 

Its long-term success will ultimately be measured not by pledged investment figures, but by whether the partnership strengthens domestic industry, regulatory stability, and Argentina’s position within diversified global supply chains.

Featured image description: U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer and Argentine Foreign Minister Pablo Quirno present the signed minerals agreement.

Featured image credit: @pabloquirno via X.

The post Behind the U.S. and Argentina’s $130 billion critical minerals deal appeared first on Latin America Reports.

I’m writing this post from a hotel, which is not unusual since I’m a travel editor. I’m on an open signal that anyone in the 400+ rooms here can access without a log-in, as can any random person here for a conference, a meal, or a drink. If I opened up my travel itinerary...

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Pam Bondi gets the award for coming up with the worst excuse ever made in all of history. At the hearing of the House Judiciary Committee, various Democratic Representatives asked her if she would apologize for the Justic Department’s failure to redact names of Jeffrey Epstein victims who were sitting just in back of her. She shouted back at the Democrats asking ‘have you apologized for the criminal charges you leveled against the greatest president in U.S. history for supposedly attempting to rig the 2020 presidential elections?’ Anybody who doesn’t see the pathetic nature of Bondi’s response, let me recommend an undergraduate course in “Introduction to Logic.”

By Ernesto Castañeda

Bad Bunny’s halftime performance showed how much Latinos love America, even if some parts of America do not love them back. Performed mostly in Spanish, it showed the reality that Latinos and Spanish are part of America’s culture: its history, its present, and its future. As the performance’s references to salsa and Ricky Martin’s participation in it reminded us, Latinos’ contributions to U.S. and global culture are not a new phenomenon.

Performances like this weaken MAGA’s ideological project even without any direct references to the current administration. Most importantly, they are a reminder of what most people can see: that Latinos, Asians, and Africans are part of U.S. communities, schools, labs, and the art and music scenes.

That is why most people in the U.S. were against ICE and mass deportations before the Super Bowl halftime show. But the humanization of Puerto Ricans and brown people could have reached and created empathy or even admiration among some people who were on the fence, do not follow the news, or live in areas with few immigrants.

When Bad Bunny was announced, some said they would boycott, that ICE would be present and carry out mass arrests, that people would not watch the show, or that it would go badly. None of that happened. The hate and fearmongering just made Bad Bunny’s performance even more special and powerful.

The performance’s positive message about love and inclusivity is a strong antidote to the fear created by ICE operations and the hatred induced by anti-immigrant, anti-Latino, and anti-black discourse. As a Puerto Rican, Benito Antonio Martínez Ocasio, aka Bad Bunny, is a U.S. citizen. However, like many other minorities, on the street, he is racialized and treated as having fewer rights and valid political claims than white citizens who speak English as their first language.

Trusting his team to catch him after he fell backwards from the roof of the casita is a good metaphor for how he knew that Puerto Ricans, Latinos, immigrants, and Americans would have his back, despite the death threats against him that forced him to wear a bulletproof vest during the Grammys ceremony. The community was able to celebrate with him and through him as they watched the Super Bowl during a challenging time. Thus, in his own eyes, his music, lyrics, and his political statements against colonialism, calling Puerto Rica trash, and the dehumanization of people of color and the risks this entails, are worth it.

The halftime show made Latino kids and teenagers feel proud of who they are. It also made many Latinos and non-Latinos, whether they speak Spanish or not, proud of their musical tastes. Some of their parents or grandparents may not have known Bad Bunny’s music, but his fans are not alone. Bad Bunny recently won the Grammy for Album of the Year. He is the most-streamed artist globally on Spotify and other platforms, and the Super Bowl halftime show was enjoyed by over 130 million live viewers, plus over 80 million replays on the NFL YouTube page. This is as close as any cultural act can come to entering the U.S. and global mainstream. 

That is why the NFL selected the world’s leading artist. Bad Bunny is popular worldwide, singing in Spanish. He has no shame about his native language, accent, lingo, or culture. He is proudly Puerto Rican, which makes him emblematic of this multicultural reality.

MAGA proposes that these types of performances threaten US culture. But the USA is stronger than MAGA thinks. It is strong because of its diversity and its mixing of elements from around the world into new, creative products that sell very well. 

As I told Univision News, soon after Bad Bunny was announced as the performer for Super Bowl LX, and after he had hosted SNL and addressed the controversy the announcement caused, sending ICE to the Super Bowl would not have changed our multicultural reality; though it would have represented the fact that ICE and CBP act as if immigration equals crime. Santa Clara, California, is in the San Francisco Bay Area, where many residents were born abroad and work at Silicon Valley’s corporations. Thus, it would have been very difficult for ICE to patrol the streets around the Levy Stadium. Furthermore, it would have been economically and politically expensive if a large ICE operation in or around the stadium had caused the Super Bowl to start later or be severely understaffed. 

When criticized by conservatives for being selected, Bad Bunny defended himself. In doing so, he also indirectly defended other Latinos who are not as famous as he is, but who also contribute in their own way to daily life in the U.S.A. 

The U.S. continues living a practical contradiction on the one side being dependent on immigrant labor for affordability and economic growth but also complains about people arrivie to work and study. On the one hand, we have ICE detaining people for speaking Spanish, for being Latino, and hundreds of thousands of deportations happening. On the other hand, we have Latinos, the majority of whom are American citizens. Latinos are part of the economy, of culture, and of music. In the case of Bad Bunny, they make America great. 

All Puerto Ricans are citizens because Puerto Rico is a U.S. territory. Nevertheless, many assume that being American means being white and speaking English without an accent, which is not true. There are U.S. citizens of all origins, races, skin colors, faiths, and mother tongues. This Super Bowl halftime show was a celebration of that diversity, which makes us strong. Bad Bunny was not out of place in the Super Bowl, but much discrimination against Latinos includes the belief that Latinos are not one hundred percent American.

The upset from MAGA spokespeople is because they do not have control over popular culture. They would like corridos and songs in all genres to be written in celebration of Trump. However, with a few rare exceptions, this is not the case. 

People vote every few years, but they listen to music every week. The “culture wars” are not what Fox News says they are. Fox and other right-wing organizations politicize social issues that are at the early stages of the popular opinion shifts that ultimately lead to social change. No cultural product is loved by one hundred percent of the public. Culture is about practice, consumption, and remixing. People choose what type of food, music, and movies to consume time and time again. In recent years, Pedro Pascal, Diego Luna, Oscar Isaac, Benicio del Toro, Marcelo Hernández, Zoe Saldana, Ana de Armas, Rosario Dawson, Sofia Vergara, to name a few, have played key roles in some of the most popular movies and shows. 

The takeaway is that Latinos are an important part of the United States and make cultural contributions that benefit the whole world. Besides many transnational influences, collaboration with other artists based in the U.S. and throughout the Americas creates a new cultural reality. This cultural reality is a blend of contributions from Latinos and other U.S.-based artists. Together, we are all stronger, and our music is more universal, as the broad national and international appeal of Bad Bunny’s performance clearly shows.

Ernesto Castañeda is a political, social, and cultural analyst.

By Danjha Leon Martinez

Peru has become one of the top destinations for Venezuelan migrants, second only to Colombia, with close to a million Venezuelans now calling it home. The Venezuelan diaspora started their mobilization journey after being forcibly displaced due to the socio-political situation in their home country.

Most migrants are young adults aged 18 to 34. About half hold technical or university degrees. Despite this, they had been encountering difficulties finding enough opportunities suitable for their professional or occupational credentials. In terms of resettlement, Peru still faces challenges in delivering the social services needed for effective migrants’ social integration. Specifically, the Peruvian system does not expedite their access to primary services such as documentation, healthcare, housing, and education during the early stages of their integration into the country. Thus, Venezuelans find themselves working in the informal economy as street vendors, construction workers, or housekeepers, taking any opportunities that they can find.

For many migrants, the choice to settle in Peru isn’t random. They are drawn by the country’s steady economic growth and its notable progress in reducing poverty. Others come to reunite with family or because Peru’s legal migration procedures are comparatively easier than those of other nations.

Diego: When I arrived in Peru, I said ‘Vaya! Hay Audis, Mercedes Benz, Starbucks…’ In Peru, I found opportunities… I was able to open a barbershop and take a loan to buy a car.

Venezuelan arrivals have put a slight increase in demand on Peru’s public services, with hospitals, schools, and social programs. But a growing population will grow the economy and produce more opportunities for all in Peru. Locals have noticed more competition for low-wage jobs, fueling worries about unemployment and sparking some anti-immigrant attitudes that are tied to xenophobic sentiment.

Given the high degree of informality in Peru’s economy, migrants can find work quickly, and open migration policies have made it easier for them to get temporary permits. Still, Venezuelans in Lima, the capital of Peru, face hurdles in getting formal jobs, leaving many with higher education degrees to work as street vendors, housekeepers, and in small trades just to get by.

For this reason, Venezuelans heavily rely on transnational and local social networks, which provide crucial support, including information about job opportunities, housing, and other resources that aid economic survival.

Pedro: (former employee at PDVSA, Petróleos de Venezuela): During the first three months that I was here in Peru, I could not find a job. I survived only with the support of my countrymen. 

Despite issues such as job precariousness and limited rights, Lima offers better economic opportunities than other potential destinations in Peru’s main cities. 

Saul: I feel like I really prospered. When I arrived, the challenges were overwhelming, but the benefits I gained from it are invaluable. Now I can give stability to my family, and I own a business which I’m proud of.

Jose (Venezuelan mechanic who moved to Lima in 2018): “The minimum wage here in Peru… it’s not feasible for a Venezuelan to live with dignity because the rent prices and groceries cost basically the whole salary.” 

Despite the funding and technical support from several international NGOs to implement humanitarian assistance, there has been a disconnect between the results of these initiatives and the intended outcomes. Almost 70% of the Venezuelan community still need to accelerate their migration process and acquire a formal status, requiring international protection. Coping strategies for financial survival include juggling multiple informal jobs, entrepreneurial activities, and sharing housing to reduce living costs, often under precarious conditions. Venezuelan migrants who plan for a future in Peru balance hopes for stability with the need to adapt to informal economic contexts and local cultural idiosyncrasies.

Peru’s political will towards the integration of the Venezuelan diaspora could be reflected by future policy frameworks that help secure legal immigration statuses and access to social programs with fewer bureaucratic hurdles. Even after facing a difficult journey, Venezuelan migrants have significantly contributed to Peru’s economy and society. They have filled critical labor gaps in sectors such as construction, food services, and informal vending, thereby driving economic growth, particularly in low-wage jobs. Many have also opened small businesses, diversifying local economies and creating jobs.

Overall, migration brings development opportunities to a country. As of now, the Venezuelan diaspora is still in the process of integration and organizing mutual support. Given the diaspora’s positive impact on the country’s development and Peru’s long-standing history of economic growth driven by the arrival of diverse migrant clusters, it would be beneficial for both the vulnerable community and the host country to advocate for the protection and effective integration of the Venezuelan diaspora.

Danjha Leon Martinez is a Research Assistant for the Immigration Lab at the Center for Latin American & Latino Studies. She is a Development Management graduate student at American University with a focus on humanitarian aid and global migration.

Edited by Ernesto Castañeda, Director of the Center for Latin American and Latino Studies (CLALS) and the Immigration Lab, Katheryn Olmos, Research & Data Coordinator, and Vincent Iannuzzi-Sucich, Research Intern at the Immigration Lab.

Football teams have 22 players in addition to punters and kickers. Of those 22, one player, the quarterback, gets 60 % of the attention and credit (and blame) for a team’s performance. Five other players (the backs and the two ends) get 35% (in other words each get 7%) of the attention. The remaining 5% goes to the 11 members of the defensive team (that is, each get less than a half of 1%). The 5 members of the offensive line (excluding the ends) get 0%. Why is that? The performance of the defensive line can get measured by the number of tackles, sacks and fumble recoveries. But all the offensive line does is block. How can you measure that?

Caracas, February 4, 2026 (venezuelanalysis.com) – Chavista supporters filled the streets of Caracas on Tuesday to demand the release of President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady and Deputy Cilia Flores. The rally marked one month from their kidnapping on January 3 as part of a US military attack against Venezuela. Heavy gunfire erupts near Presidential […]

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Bolivia will honor lithium agreements concluded by the previous government with Russia and China if the integrity and transparency of those deals are confirmed, President Rodrigo Paz said. The deals will be reviewed and made public to allow proper scrutiny, Paz told the Financial Times in an interview published Tuesday. Bolivia controls the Price of […]

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The luxury resort scene in Los Cabos keeps getting more heated all the time. This has clearly become the go-to spot for high-end hotel chains to make their mark in Mexico. The home-grown Mexican companies are no slackers, however, and Grand Solmar Land’s End is worth considering for its impressive pool complexes, large rooms,...

The post Tour Grand Solmar Land’s End at the Tip of the Baja Peninsula appeared first on Luxury Latin America Blog.

by Jonathan Valenzuela

During President Trump’s first term (2017-2021), a variety of immigration policy changes were implemented, which contributed to a shift in migration from Central America away from the United States and towards Europe. Now, in his second term more extreme anti-immigration policies alongside the rollback of Biden-era practices, such as the ending of the CBP One app, similar shifts of destination countries for Central American immigrants may continue. In 2023, it is estimated that there are about 4.3 million Central American immigrants in the United States, and 323,000 Central American immigrants in Spain.  

Migration of Central Americans to the United States and Europe began during the armed conflicts of the 80s and 90s. It marked the start of a migration pattern which has only continued to grow. The most recent wave of Central American migrants to Europe began with Nicaraguan women in the mid-2000s to the early 2010s. 

The largest Central American population is in Spain, with Hondurans most prevalent in Catalonia, Nicaraguans in the Basque Country, and Salvadorans in Madrid and increasingly in Seville. These populations have concentrated in these regions primarily because of established immigrant communities, strong labor markets, and an unmet need for labor in sectors such as elder or childcare. Notably, the population of Central Americans in Europe is composed primarily of Hondurans, Salvadorans, Guatemalans, and Nicaraguans. Costa Rican and Panamanian immigrants remain at a smaller number than those from the other four countries.

The outlook of Central American immigrants in Spain is both different and like those in the United States. On one hand, many female members of both communities work in domestic jobs such as childcare or housekeeping, but a main difference is that the Central American home in Europe is headed by the women of the household, who struggle less to find jobs than men do.  

The acceleration of Central American immigration to Europe has notably grown because of the increased militarization of the United States’ southern border and policy changes since the first Trump administration. The increased difficulty of migrating to arrive to the United States made Central Americans seek other destinations. Spain is a solid option because of the ease of entering the country due to a lack of visa requirements, a perceived welcoming environment, an easier immigration process, a shared language, and similar cultural elements. From 2021 to 2024, the number of Central American immigrants in Spain grew by some 60,000. 

The United States is the preferential destination for most Central American as it is the home of the largest diasporas. Experts agree that increased hostility on the Mexico-U.S. border, especially during the first Trump administration, is tied to the increase of Central American immigration to Europe. Through increased collaboration with Spain, the United States seeks to reduce the flows of immigration from the region towards itself, but not necessarily to stop it altogether. 

Now, it is only a matter of time until this pattern further evolves with the second Trump administration, which has signaled its desire to further deter immigrants from entering the country. Regardless of the paid ads or policy changes the administration pushes, people will continue to immigrate.  

Spain has continued to receive immigrants from Latin America and is considered to have “solved” immigration and it has the fastest growth of any European economy thanks to immigration. However, with anti-immigration protests in the country and throughout the world, the question remains whether these deterrent efforts will successfully push Central American immigrants to other destinations? And how long will these destinations such as Spain remain open to Central Americans before they decide to implement stricter migration policies as well? Or whether we are starting to see an equilibrium between the people needing to leave Central America, the people settling in other countries in the region, Mexico, the United States, and Spain, and the decrease in gang violence and economic opportunities in Central America.   

Jonathan Valenzuela Mejia is a Guatemalan-American legal professional based in New York City. He completed a B.A. in Global Studies and a B.A. in Public Affairs with a minor in Central American Studies from UCLA. 

Edited by Ernesto Castañeda, Director of the Immigration Lab and the Center for Latin American and Latino Studies. 

Trump has issued the following statement on Truth Social: “We will guard, and very powerfully so, any and all Federal Buildings that are being attacked by these highly paid Lunatics, Agitators, and Insurrectionists. There will be no spitting in the faces of our Officers, there will be no punching or kicking the headlights of our cars, and there will be no rock or brick throwing at our vehicles or at our Patriot Warriors. If there is, those people will suffer an equal, or more, consequence.”

The USA began overthrowing governments in Latin America in the 1890’s, often working with internal elements, usually the military and the business community, to do so, Peter Kuznick, the director of the Nuclear Studies Institute at American University, told Sputnik. Its the internal betrayal that is sometimes even more disturbing, because that is not a […]

The post US-Backed Coups in Latin America are Bad, Local Elites’ Judas-Style Betrayals are Worse appeared first on New Jetpack Site.

By Maria Muradyan 

Most of the narratives about immigration are wrong. They are simplistic, outdated, and dangerous. — Ernesto Castañeda.  

This quote carries particular weight here in Washington, DC, where harmful rhetoric and harsh policy are produced just a couple of blocks away from immigrant communities who face its consequences directly. For decades, the topic of immigration has been at the forefront of American political discourse. Americans on opposite ends of the aisle have consistently disagreed on immigration policy and whether or not we as a country have a responsibility to accept people who cross the border and enter America “illegally”. Opinions on the topic, though always polarizing, have transformed and intensified drastically in the last decade, with the election of President Donald Trump and the emergence of the “MAGA” movement. The slogan “Make America Great Again” can be most often associated with right-wing populism, conservative nationalism, but perhaps most famously, a narrative that casts Latin American immigrants as threats to national security and as a strain on American society. 

The current administration’s rhetoric and policy on immigration have single handedly created one of the most polarized political environments in American history. As the political climate has shifted, these ideological divisions have fueled a wave of widespread misconceptions and stereotypes about Latino immigrants, who they are, why they come, and the impact they have on American society. These harmful misinterpretations not only distort public attitudes but also pave the path for harsh immigration policies and are used to justify the unlawful and inhumane deportation practices carried out by ICE in Washington, DC, and across the nation. 

In an effort to better understand these stereotypes and the effects they have on victims and their families, I conducted an interview with Dr. Ernesto Castañeda, a migration scholar, professor, and Director of Immigration Lab at American University’s Center for Latin American and Latino Studies. Dr. Castañeda is a leading voice on how misconceptions shape the lived experiences of immigrant communities in DC, and how enforcement, family separation, and uncertainty shape the lives and psychological well-being of youth. 

The first false assumption he addressed is the belief that America has become ‘overflooded with immigrants’. Dr Castañeda pointed out that actual population data proves just the opposite. According to a Pew Research study conducted in 2023, immigrants make up roughly 15% of America’s population (52% being from Latin America). Not only this, but out of the total number of individuals not born in America, undocumented immigrants made up a mere 27% (Pew Research 2025). Locally, immigrants constitute about the same share of the D.C. population as they do nationally. All immigrants make up about 13% of the population, out of which 11.3% identify as Latino (American Immigration Council 2025) 

When looking at data from the 2024 election year, an analysis of tens of thousands of statements made by Trump showed that he repeated the sentence ” [South American countries are] emptying out their prisons and their mental institutions into the United States ” or similar ones over 560 times during his most recent re-election campaign (Marshall Project 2024). Dr. Castañeda explains how these repeated claims are what perpetuate stereotypes such as Latinos are ‘dangerous criminals, ‘ invading the country, and ‘using up public resources. ’ When average Americans, with little knowledge or exposure to immigrants, hear these statements repeatedly, they will inevitably begin to accept them as facts. However, long-term empirical studies show us otherwise. Research analyzed by the Journal of Criminology over the span of 24 years showed that no evidence exists that links undocumented immigrants to the number of violent crimes in the country. Not only this, but this study found that increases in the immigrant population within the states correspond to decreases in the prevalence of violence and crime (Light & Miller, 2018). 

According to Castañeda, current narratives fail to take into account that the vast majority of Latino immigrants come to America to ‘study, work, contribute to science, to work in hospitals, to get married, and that is rarely part of the story’. Furthermore, as he explains both in his book Immigration Realities and in our interview, immigrants actually rely on public assistance at lower rates than U.S. citizens, and this is true even for their U.S born children. They also play an essential role in keeping the economy and population growing. Immigrants contribute to scientific progress, cultural creativity, and the continuation and spread of American ideas and culture. Any evolving society needs new people to sustain itself, and throughout history, immigrants have taken on that role in the United States. 

While these negative narratives dominate the national conversation, their most immediate impact becomes visible in places like DC, where families must confront fear and instability while navigating their day to day lives. The Shrine of the Sacred Heart, a Catholic Church, which is just a short bus ride from the White House, has long served as a place of worship for the Catholic Latin American community in DC. However, in the last several months, it has become a hub for ICE attacks this October. The Associated Press reports that over 40 members of the parish have been recently deported as churchgoers are ‘fearful to leave their homes, get food, medical care or attend Mass’. The Archdiocese of Washington describes these mass deportations as “instruments of terror” for the Latino community of DC. The climate in the city remains especially volatile for mixed status families, who must live with the fear that their loved one will be detained while doing their daily tasks. This became a reality for one member of the Sacred Heart Church whose husband was detained by ICE while selling fruits and vegetables at the family owned fruit stand. She says, “ It’s been a very difficult, bitter month of crying and suffering…our lives changed forever one day to the next” (Associated Press, 2025) 

Stories like these are not limited to Sacred Heart but are a reflection of the unique set of challenges that mixed-status families face in DC and across the nation. These effects are already being felt in DC high schools and universities, where Dr. Castañeda notes the current political environment is having consequences on youth in these mixed status families. He states, “Youth are afraid for themselves and are afraid for their families, for their friends, for the communities…that makes it harder to focus on school, we see that in the universities, we see that with colleagues, we see that with staff members who have undocumented family members”. A 2024 study published by the Journal of Latinx Psychology followed a sample of youth who are US citizens but lived in mixed status families. They discovered that exposure to current violent immigration enforcement, such as witnessing a parent or loved one deported, significantly increases severe anxiety, fear, and depression among the sampled youth. These psychological effects extended beyond the immediate family members, as the trauma was felt even when enforcement actions targeted people in their community rather than someone directly inside the home. Their study also confirmed that anti-immigration stigma quickly becomes internalized, as adolescents in the study reported feeling ashamed of their background, immigrant family, and language (Lieberman et al., 2024). 

These effects could be expected to be felt especially strongly in DC due to the high prevalence of Latino youth immigrants who arrived a decade prior. Beginning in 2014, DC saw a large surge in unaccompanied youth, between the ages of 13-18, who came to America to unite with their parents, grandparents, or extended families. Castañeda explains that since this group of youth has reached a legal adult age, ICE agents might be ‘looking for an excuse to deport them’. As ICE revisits these old cases of unaccompanied minors, they are also using this as an opportunity to track down their immediate and extended families as well as their sponsors. Subsequently, the result is a painful cycle in which youth who once struggled to reunite with their family, once torn apart by borders, must now live in psychological torment and fear of losing each other once more. Current immigration enforcement practices are undoubtedly a form of psychological violence that produces hypervigilance, fear, and depression, and will cause long term trauma in immigrant communities. 

Looking ahead, it is clear that America is in dire need of immigration reform, one that is based on facts, research, and empirical evidence, rather than stereotypes. However, Castaneda notes that the general public is not to blame, as one cannot expect regular Americans to understand topics as complex as immigration law. Rather, this responsibility falls on our lawmakers who must put aside partisanship and focus on creating solutions that maintain the dignity of immigrants, while addressing the realities of the current day border.  

Castañeda explains the best form of immigration reform would be what he calls “generous amnesty”, or a broad pathway to legalization. Individuals and families who have been living in America for an extended period of time and have built entirely new lives must be given a path to citizenship. This is both a moral imperative but also it is a sentiment that, according to him, is largely supported by most Americans on both sides of the aisle. Recent Gallup polls confirm this fact, as 64% of Republicans and 91% of Democrats classify immigration as a positive (Gallup, 2025). A generous amnesty does not mean an open borders concept. Rather, it is a way to create legal paths to citizenship, so that migrants have other options rather than resorting to crossing the border. It is only natural that individuals and families desperate for survival will resort to the only option available to them.  

Second, the US is becoming an aging nation with a retiring workforce and a declining birth rate. With the declining population and lowered birth rates, many key industries, such as agriculture, are having projected worker shortages, unable to meet the labor demands. The Economic Policy Institute finds that “Achieving historically ‘normal’ GDP growth rates will be impossible, unless immigration flows are sustained” (Bivens 2025). Employment based immigration is one way through which the government can offset this issue. Granting a greater number of H-1B and H-2B visas can help balance these effects by bringing in younger and eager individuals who are ready to work in these essential positions. 

In conclusion, data, decades of research, the realities in DC, and Dr. Castañeda’s expertise make one point unmistakably clear. The narratives that dominate our national conversation about immigration are misinformed, outdated, and harmful to those who live with its consequences daily. The political rhetoric from our nation’s leaders creates instability, fear, and psychological trauma in immigrants while simultaneously distorting the public’s perception of the issue. Research continues to show that immigrants make America stronger, enriching society, unifying communities, and bettering the economy. Dr. Castañeda’s work reminds us that looking ahead, we must demand from our lawmakers a change that is rooted in the recognition of these principles and the creation of dignified paths to citizenship.  

As I reflect on my childhood and the little girl I was when I first arrived in America, I see no difference between myself and another little girl today arriving from El Salvador, Mexico, Honduras, Cuba, or Guatemala. We all carried the same fears of an unfamiliar place, the same uncertainty, the same dreams of a brighter, better future in this country. The only difference between the treatments we received was the country we came from and the political implications that country brought with it. It is time that we begin to approach immigration with greater empathy, remembering that we ourselves, or our parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents, once stood in these very same shoes. Latino immigrants have positively shaped this nation from the beginning of its history, and they continue to do so today. These facts are unmistakable, the human suffering is devastating, and the need for humane immigration reform has long been overdue. 

Maria Muradyan is a senior at UCLA studying Political Science with a strong interest in American politics and public policy. She participated in UCLA’s UCDC program in Washington, DC. Her interests include immigration policy and community advocacy, with a particular emphasis on how political institutions and policy frameworks shape social and economic outcomes. Through her research and writing, Maria aims to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of contemporary policy debates and their real-world implications. 

References 

Castañeda, Ernesto (2025, November 21st), Personal Interview on Immigration. 

Geiger, A. (2025, August 21). What the data says about immigrants in the U.S. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2025/08/21/key-findings-about-us-immigrants/  

Immigrants in the District of Columbia – American Immigration Council. (2025). American Immigration Council. https://map.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/locations/district-of-columbia/?utm_source=chatgpt.com  

The Marshall Project. (2024, October 21). Fact-checking Over 12,000 of Donald Trump’s Statements About Immigration. The Marshall Project. https://www.themarshallproject.org/2024/10/21/fact-check-12000-trump-statements-immigrants 

Light, M., & Miller, T. (2018). Does Undocumented Immigration Increase Violent Crime? Criminology, 56(2), 370–401. https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9125.12175  

Henao, L. A., & Stanley, T. (2025, October 27). Immigration crackdown sows fear among Catholic church community in US capital. AP News. https://apnews.com/article/immigration-crackdown-catholic-church-washington-874e6deca9e54a4e14081c63adca7718  

Jamile Tellez Lieberman, Dsouza, N., Valdez, C. R., Pintor, J. K., Weisz, P., Carroll-Scott, A., & Martinez-Donate, A. P. (2024). Interior immigration enforcement experiences, perceived discrimination, and mental health of U.S.-citizen adolescents with Mexican immigrant parents. Journal of Latinx Psychology. https://doi.org/10.1037/lat0000263  

Saad, L. (2025, July 11). Surge in U.S. Concern About Immigration Has Abated. Gallup.com; Gallup. https://news.gallup.com/poll/692522/surge-concern-immigration-abated.aspx  

The U.S.-born labor force will shrink over the next decade: Achieving historically “normal” GDP growth rates will be impossible unless immigration flows are sustained. (2025). Economic Policy Institute. https://www.epi.org/publication/the-u-s-born-labor-force-will-shrink-over-the-next-decade-achieving-historically-normal-gdp-growth-rates-will-be-impossible-unless-immigration-flows-are-sustained/?utm_source  

One Year into Trump 2.0, Some Immigration Myths are Shattering, but Some of the Big Lies from the 2024 Trump Campaign Continue

By Ernesto Castañeda, PhD

One year into Trump’s second administration, significant developments have reshaped U.S. immigration policy. This piece examines key changes and events, clarifies factual misunderstandings, and analyzes how immigration has been framed and discussed in media coverage and political commentary.

Biden Did Not Have an Open Border

It is factually wrong to claim that “Biden had an open border policy and welcomed a record number of undocumented immigrants.” Although this claim is frequently repeated, it is misleading. Following the COVID-19 Pandemic, the U.S., along with the rest of the world, closed its borders for months. Under the pretense of public health, Title 42 was used to block access to asylum at the border. Thus, many individuals seeking asylum, attempting to reunite with family members, or workers reporting to jobs in the United States were trapped en route. Ultimately, a lot of people were forced to wait in Mexico for their opportunity to request asylum, and hundreds of thousands of people were deported from the border shortly after entry. 

Interestingly, after the end of the pandemic and the eventual lift of Title 42, members of the Biden administration came up with creative solutions to deal with a border surge — which again was not caused by the Biden administration but was a by-product of the pandemic and the terrible political, economic, and security conditions across much of Latin America and the Caribbean. In response, the Biden administration implemented the use of the CBP One mobile application, an app developed during the first Trump administration, which allowed individuals to obtain a spot in line to present themselves at border ports of entry for an orderly metered process to enter and request asylum. This was not a promise that all of them would be granted asylum or allowed to stay, but it did allow them to start their legal process. 

There were technical problems with this trial app, and in practice, it amounted to an online algorithmic lottery that created competition among hundreds of thousands of people for appointments. Nevertheless, it was an improvement from sleeping in camping tents during the winter while in line at border entrances in Mexico, or having notebooks where people wrote their names to hold their place in line on a first-come, first-served basis. The CBP One app also generated data on who sought to enter the country and on those permitted to enter. 

Other alternatives to detention, such as ankle bracelets and other tracking apps, allowed the U.S. government to identify newcomers and track their whereabouts. These tools have been used by ICE under the current Trump administration to locate and deport individuals who entered legally under these programs. As I said following Trump’s election, ICE agents would be tempted to detain and deport these easy-to-find immigrants in temporary or between immigration statuses in order to fulfill quotas while inflating the numbers of “dangerous” deportees.

Given hemispheric geopolitics, the Biden administration also created a legal program, known as CHNV, for certain people with family or contacts in the US who could offer financial support if needed and vouch for them to enter the U.S. legally through airports from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, to apply for asylum. These new programs were created for populations from countries to which the U.S. was sympathetic, and because these countries would not accept deportations. These programs shifted what could have been undocumented immigration flows into technically legal immigration flows. These new arrivals quickly received work permits so that they could work legally. This system became a lifeline for the U.S. economy and a lifeline for essential workers, allowing the U.S. economy and society to recover faster from the negative effects of the COVID pandemic.

Images of lines at the border and people sleeping in the streets of El Paso and in front of the Roosevelt Hotel in New York City after the busing of immigrants and the unfortunate statements from New York’s Mayor Adams seemed to make these arrivals unmanageable, but as we have researched at The Immigration Lab, new arrivals have managed to find jobs to pay for the housing, food, and other expenses and even send some money to family in their places of origin. These individuals enter with permission from the government, which knows who and where they are. They are not undocumented nor “illegal.”

The Biden administration deported hundreds of thousands of people from the border, and people from Mexico and many other countries were not allowed in. 

The Biden administration actively helped individuals fleeing crises in Cuba, Venezuela, Haiti, Nicaragua, as well as those displaced from violent conflict in Ukraine and Afghanistan. Most people were coming into the U.S./Mexico border, raising their hands, waving, presenting themselves to authorities at the border, giving their information, and then following the procedures and instructions that they were given. Many, but not all, of them were then legally allowed into the country, granted work visas soon after staying a few days on the streets of host cities like El Paso, New York City, or Washington, DC. The great majority of the new arrivals eventually found places to rent and obtained jobs in the broader economy. Today, many are either still working or have been deported with no legal grounds or reasons beyond fulfilling ICE quotas to reduce the number of people of color born abroad.

Any serious discussion of immigration must take into account the barriers preventing people from returning and rebuilding a life in their country of origin, including instability, political repression, and economic hardships in countries like Venezuela and Haiti. 

Claims that the Border is Now Secured 

Border communities in the United States have long been safe, as documented in our book “Immigration Realities.” It is true that fewer people are arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border seeking entry, but this is not purely a Trump effect.  There are five main reasons for this: 

1) The pandemic created a bottleneck influx of immigrants that eventually eased during the second part of the Biden administration. The programs discussed above (CBP One and CHNV) onboarded quickly those people who had been waiting at the border for years before. These numbers had already begun to decrease in the last months of the Biden administration due to policy changes and the organic leveling off from the bottleneck and pent-up demand. 

2) There was lower demand for people from Ukraine and Afghanistan to enter through the border. 

3) Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, Panama, and Colombia were pressured by the U.S. to make it even harder to cross the Darien Gap and to get close to the U.S./Mexico border. Many of these countries used their military to control, dissuade migration, and deport people, often without due process. As a result, new arrivals stopped.

4) On January 20, 2025, Trump declared a national emergency at the border and sent the military to certain areas of the border. 

5) People from Latin America are largely no longer arriving seeking to apply for asylum because, contrary to international and U.S. law, people are not allowed to enter the country by applying for asylum at the borders. Title 42 conditions have become chronic. These immigration policies, along with the strong campaign rhetoric, dissuaded many from entering the country, whether illegally or legally.

At his January 20, 2026, press conference, Trump compared his desire for the U.S.-Mexico border to that of North Korea. Likewise, in order to carry out these mass deportations quickly, authoritative actions of going against civil liberties are needed, as seen in Minnesota. He also boasted that “the border is secure” and with “no legislation” on the topic. 

For those concerned about “chaos at the border,” or upset that some new migrants were entering with permission at the border while others could not previously, do not worry. Most of the new arrivals have lost their legal status; many have been detained or deported, or are in the process of moving back. Their absence will have negative consequences for the U.S. employers, neighbors, and communities that relied on them. 

All Immigrants Are Criminals

Trump promised he would deport “the worst of the worst.” Many voters, and even some immigrants themselves, supported and voted for Trump, believing that he was referring only to criminals, not themselves or their loved ones.  As 2026 is already showing, nothing could be further from the truth. Most people detained and deported have no criminal records. For Trump and MAGA, no immigrants from non-majority White countries were welcome or innocent. Even if they had an H1-B visa.

The goal to deport the “worst of the worst” to send ICE or the National Guard to reduce crime in cities was always a lie. There is no need to keep repeating it as either a supposed campaign promise or ICE’s mission, only to compare it to the excesses we have seen on the streets this year. We do not need to abolish ICE; we need amnesty to regularize people. Local police and courts can handle the small percentage of foreign-born individuals who commit crimes. At some point, Trump officials said that most immigrants detained had a criminal record or could build one in the future. In hindsight, the criminalization of migration that Trump and Vance were promoting during the 2024 presidential campaign was successful because they (barely) won the elections. But since the election, those happy with Trump closing the border were in the low 50s in polls at their highest points in time. On January 23, 2026, the views on the border are 50/50; nothing to campaign on. Most people who identify as Democrats and the great majority of independents oppose ICE. Regarding immigration policies in general, the administration is underwater, with many more people saying they have gone too far than supporting it.

In 2025, many Democratic elected federal politicians had been saying on TV interviews that Trump had won the immigration argument, meaning electorally but also implying empirically and in terms of policies. Immigration policies as a whole have been toxic. Contrary to the desire of people in the center right to deport all people without a current immigration status, detentions and deportations in the first year of this Trump administration have largely focused on people who entered legally with a visa or CBP One, people applying to renew their TPS, or asking for asylum. People have been arrested in immigration courts even when judges have not asked for removal. Some individuals have been arrested during their naturalization ceremonies just minutes before becoming citizens. This makes sense if one cares more about quotas and about removing people who are not seen as White before they become American citizens and/or have more U.S.-born children. Trump has also gone after birthright citizenship and has asked for denaturalizations —stripping citizenship from those who proactively jumped all the hoops to become citizens. These facts, along with the many dog whistles and open loudspeaker broadcasting to extreme right subcultures in public speeches, conferences, and X posts, show that the energy behind all these immigration policies is White Christian Nationalism. A dream about racial purity, one not too far from being open to using violence to achieve it, possibly leading to genocide if nobody opposes it. Fortunately, most Americans are against that. But many of those in favor of the current full immigration agenda openly say they do not want religious and racial minorities in the U.S., and even want more to be done. There is no staying neutral on these matters while people are shot at, imprisoned, and terrorized.

Unfortunately, in early 2026, I still hear some elected Democrat officials and operators saying that Trump “had won the immigration debate.” That is false. Others claim without evidence that Trump won, including in 2024, because of his promise to close the border. They forget the 2016 promise about the border wall and how little he built. They do not explain why anti-immigrant claims against caravans and Central American immigration did not help him win in 2000. Other problematic praises from Democratic officials come along the lines of saying, “Trump did a great job closing the border to undocumented immigrants, and that this is a good thing, that should continue.” MAGA without MAGA.

That is disrespectful to the undocumented immigrants and their communities, which would prefer to vote Democrat but are repulsed by such Trumpian comments. In another sense, polls and massive protests show that most people in the interior do not really care about the status of border crossings. What most people care about today is what we see in Minneapolis and what we saw before in Los Angeles, Chicago, Washington, New Orleans, and many other places around the country. That is an excessive use of force by ICE to find our neighbors who happen to be undocumented. Violations of the Bill of Rights, unconstitutional stops, entering homes without judicial orders, and racial profiling.

Mass Deportations are Regular Politics

The number of undocumented people in the U.S., between 8 and 15 million, and probably around 11 million when Trump retook the Presidency constitutes around 3% of the overall population in the United States. For the U.S. to get rid of all its undocumented population, it would indeed need something related something akin to an authoritarian state. That is what we have started to see, and that is what most people don’t like because there are undocumented kids in schools. There are undocumented nurses. There are undocumented teachers, agricultural workers, construction workers, and also people with their own businesses providing professional services, designing and renovating homes, etc. So, in order to find them, we will have to trample the civil liberties of many citizens. Is it worth it? I don’t think so. So, rather than just calling for the abolition of ICE, reform, or a return to the status quo so that the minimum due processes are followed before deportation, we have to start talking again about amnesty, paths to citizenship, and expanding chosen ways for legal immigration. Because, despite a false rhetoric that this was about “illegality,” this second Trump administration has also limited the legal pathways for migration. He has limited people’s ability to seek asylum. He has really reduced the number of refugees, made it more difficult and expensive to obtain professional visas like the H-1B visa, and curtailed other forms of legal migration, including for international students, the diversity visa lottery, and other programs that had bipartisan consensus that they were good for the country. He has also limited the ability to apply for new immigrant visas and green cards for people from over 75 countries, plus a travel ban of at least 19 countries, and has declared places such as Belize as safe third countries, making gaining asylum in the U.S. more difficult if people passed through those countries and making it easier to deport people from third countries there.

So, it is a masquerade to say that this was only about illegal immigration or getting criminals off the streets. These have been other of the big lies of the 2016 and 2024 campaigns. It is time that we get rid of those lies and we talk about the truth. We need immigration reform that allows people who are already living and paying taxes in the U.S. to do so legally, safely, and as fully recognized members of society. And lastly, we must establish a new legal pathway for newcomers because the country needs workers to keep the U.S. population and economy growing. So that’s what we need today. That’s the truth about immigration.

Ernesto Castañeda is a Professor at American University, where he leads the Immigration Lab and the Center for Latin American and Latino Studies. He has been studying immigration scientifically for over 20 years and has written many books on the subject, among them “Reunited: Family Separation and Central American Youth Migration” and “Immigration Realities: Challenging Common Misperceptions.”

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